Testimony of
Sally Satel MD
Resident Scholar
American Enterprise Institute
on Thursday, March 11, 2004
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee,
thank you for inviting me here today. Let me begin by saying that
posttraumatic stress disorder is real and painful condition.
Undoubtedly, it will afflict some men and women returning from Iraq. A
humane and grateful country must treat them. But how many will be
afflicted is difficult to know at this time.
It is generally put forth as an established truth — that roughly
one-third of returnees from Vietnam suffered PTSD. This is at best
debatable, given that fifteen percent were assigned to combat units. As
we try to help the soldiers of Operation Iraqi Freedom meld back into
society, it would be a mistake to rely too heavily on the conventional
wisdom about Vietnam.
I will first discuss the questions raised by the government-mandated
study on war stress among Vietnam veterans. Second, I will put forth
some clinical and social principles for responding to the soldiers who
are now rotating home.
The National Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study: The Research Triangle
Institute (under contract from the Veterans Affairs Administration)
released the study in 1990. It concentrated on post-traumatic stress
disorder, a psychiatric condition marked by disabling painful memories,
anxiety and phobias after a traumatic event like combat, rape or other
extreme threat.
The NVVRS found that 31 percent of soldiers who went to Vietnam, or
almost one million troops, succumbed to PTSD after their return. The
count climbed to fully half if one included those given the diagnosis of
"partial" post-traumatic stress disorder.
On closer inspection, however, these figures are shaky. As I mentioned,
only 15 percent of troops in Vietnam were assigned to combat units, so
it is odd that 50 percent suffered symptoms of war trauma. True,
non-combat jobs like driving trucks put men at risk for deadly ambush,
but Army studies on psychiatric casualties during the war found the vast
majority of cases referred to field hospitals did not have
combat-related stress at all. Rather, most were sent for psychiatric
attention because of substance abuse and behavioral problems unrelated
to battle.
Moreover, during the years of the most intense fighting in Vietnam,
1968-69, psychiatrists reported that psychiatric casualties numbered
between 12 and 15 soldiers per thousand, or a little more than 1
percent. If the 1990 readjustment study is correct, the number afflicted
with diagnosable war stress multiplied vastly in the years after the
war. Again, it does not add up.
How to explain the postwar explosion in Vietnam cases? The frequently
proffered answer is that the start of the disorder can be delayed for
months or years. This belief, however, has no support in epidemiological
studies. And consider the striking absence of delayed cases in
long-range studies like that of people affected by the Oklahoma City
bombing. Such studies have found that symptoms almost always develop
within days of the traumatic event and, in about two-thirds of
sufferers, fade within a year.
It is worth noting that the concept of delayed post-traumatic stress was
introduced in the early 1970's by a group of psychiatrists led by Robert
Jay Lifton, an outspoken opponent of the war. They decided that many
former soldiers suffered what was called post-Vietnam syndrome — marked
by "alienation, depression, an inability to concentrate, insomnia,
nightmares, restlessness, uprootedness and impatience with almost any
job or course of study" — and that this distinguished veterans of
Vietnam from those of any other war.
(It took years for a critical mass of scholarship to accumulate showing
that Vietnam veterans were comparable to both Vietnam era veterans and
non-veterans in terms of employment, income, level of education, divorce
rate, suicide, homelessness. )
While there were little data to back up the existence of this delayed
syndrome, the image of the veteran as a walking time bomb was a boon to
the antiwar movement, which used it as proof that military aggression
destroys minds and annihilates souls. Yes, some veterans suffered the
crippling anxiety of chronic post-traumatic stress disorder. But the
broad-brush diagnosis of post-Vietnam syndrome also served political
ends.
There are a couple of other reasons to be skeptical. A well-advertised
syndrome like PTSD could have provided a medicalized explanation for
many unhappy, but not necessarily traumatized, veterans who had been
trying to make sense of their experience. This seems particularly
relevant to NVVRS subjects who seldom sought care or compensation. Such
“effort at meaning” is a deeply human – and well-documented phenomenon.
In addition, the NVVRS researchers did not measure degree of impairment
in the subjects interviewed. Nor were frequency of symptoms recorded.
There is an active debate in the psychiatric literature about
over-diagnosis (of many conditions, not just PTSD) prompted by the fact
that clinicians or epidemiologists do not always take into account the
degree of impairment associated with symptoms. After all, it is not
uncommon for some people to have symptoms (e.g., nightmares, painful
memories) but to function at a very high level and neither they nor
those around them consider them sick. Having too low a threshold for
diagnosing pathology was not uncommon at the VA where I worked. I saw,
for example, a number of a troubled middle-aged veterans who had only
minor complaints of nightmares or occasional disturbing thoughts of
Vietnam find themselves misdiagnosed with PTSD. The most recent edition
of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual requires presence of impairment
or great suffering. It is very possible that the NVVRS had too low a
threshold for diagnosing PTSD.
Also, the NVVRS relied heavily on self-report. Psychological studies,
however, have shown how fallible memory can be. For example, people tend
to reconstruct the past in terms of the present--they often exaggerate
the degree of earlier misfortune if they are feeling bad, or minimize
old troubles if they are feeling good. A 1997 report in the American
Journal of Psychiatry by West Haven VA psychiatrists Steven Southwick,
Dennis Charney and C. Andrew Morgan (“Consistency of memory for
combat-related traumatic events in veterans of Operation Desert Storm,”
volume154: 173-7) examined Desert Storm veterans at one month and two
years after their return to the U.S.
In the group, memory for traumatic events changed from first to second
assessment for 88 percent of them (70 percent recalled a traumatic event
at two years that they did not mention at the first month evaluation; 46
percent mentioned a traumatic event at one month but not at two years).
Veterans with the most PTSD symptoms, the authors wrote, “tend to
amplify their memory for traumatic events over time” though are probably
unaware how those memories had changed. In other words, individuals with
more severe symptoms of anxiety and depression remember a traumatic
event as being worse when they are asked about it a second time than
when asked about it earlier. Those with fewer symptoms, however, tended
to recall the event as less harrowing than they had previously described
it. This observation —from other studies of car accident victims,
witnesses to a school shooting, international peacekeepers—are
remarkably consistent.
Thus it is vital that researchers try to corroborate the battlefield
events that veterans cite as causes of their post-traumatic stress.
Researchers on the NVVRS did not even attempt this. “Unless we avail
ourselves of the historical archival material to verify self-reported
traumatic events, will never know how much memory distortion has
infected the data base on post-traumatic stress disorder,” cautions
psychologist Richard McNally of Harvard University, author of
Remembering Trauma (Harvard University Press, 2003.)
Some may believe that military personnel files are woefully unreliable.
There is by no means consensus on that contention. True, no data source
is perfect, but taking into account the information on personnel files
is surely better than relying solely on memories that are over ten years
old, often decades old. While no perfect document exists, the best
estimate could be derived from triangulating various sources of
information, memory included. It is simply hard to believe that there
were no other independent sources that could verify, at minimum, whether
a soldier was within 100 miles of a combat zone.
Records aside, the NVVRS findings remain problematic for the reasons
discussed above. Furthermore, a study conducted by the Centers for
Disease Control published in 1988 found that only fifteen percent of
veterans ever suffered PTSD and that two percent met criteria at the
time of the interview. (The Centers for Disease Control Vietnam
Experience Study, “ Health status of Vietnam veterans: I. Psychosocial
characteristics,” Journal of the American Medical Association 259:
2701-2707)
“As psychiatrists we are urged to learn the lessons of Vietnam, but no
one is sure what those lessons are,” says psychiatrist and trauma expert
Simon Wessely of King’s College London. “Do the explanations for
allegedly high rates lie in the jungles of Vietnam,” Wessely asks, “in
America’s struggle to come to terms with the war, or with symptoms
manufactured to fit a cultural narrative and expectation of what kinds
of mental stress these veterans would experience?”
Relevance to today? Keep in mind that subjects were interviewed for the
NVVRS at least a decade after return from Vietnam. Its questionable
findings notwithstanding, the study bears little on immediately
returning veterans because it measured symptoms present in veterans when
they were a decade or more, not weeks, away from being overseas.
A study by Jonathan Borus, a research psychiatrist at the Walter Reed
Army Research Institute in the early 70’s (now at Harvard) may shed some
light here. In 1974 Borus reported data comparing the emotional and
behavioral readjustment of almost 600 Vietnam veterans, most of them
assigned to combat units, and about 200 non-combat counterparts who
served elsewhere overseas or in the U.S. Borus found no difference
between the two cohorts of veterans (Archives of General Psychiatry vol.
30: 554-7). “From a review of public and professional reports,” he
wrote, “it seems to me that some mental health professionals have
…overstepped their data to support their politics.” Not only was Borus’
sample twice as large as the NVVRS (which had 300 theater vets), most of
them were assigned to combat units and his analysis took place months
not decade(s) after the war.
But the most informative glimpse at what is happening now come from a
report released just two days ago. The VHA Office of Public Health and
Environmental Hazards, Report #4, (March 9, 2004) states that 436
soldiers out of 107,540 separated from active duty in Iraq have thus far
been diagnosed with PTSD. This is about .4% of veterans who returned.
According to adherents of the NVVRS, we can expect to see a seventy-fold
increase in PTSD over the next decade? This is an astounding (and
unrealistic) amplification.
Lessons:
1. interpreting psychological states: Will many men and women may feel
dislocated, sad, bitter? Of course. They may have trouble sleeping and
be distractible, even hostile. Is this psychopathology? Depending on how
dysfunctional the person is and degree of persistence, it could indeed
be.
2. promoting protective factors: important to enumerate the factors
known to protect against post-traumatic stress symptoms and PTSD. These
include the benefits of a smooth reintegration of the veteran into
family and community, society’s appreciation for his sacrifice, minimal
economic hardship, engagement in purposeful work and the ability to
derive reward, or at least, meaning from the war experience, as horrible
as it might have been at times. The Veterans Administration may have a
role in fostering some of these factors.
3. formal vs. informal care: Many of the returning young men and women
will find comfort and support in the embrace of their families, friends,
communities, and houses of worship. Those who are too anxious or
depressed to function or who have started drinking or using drugs
heavily should get professional help. Informal discussion groups may be
an option.
What is crucial is that the help we give vets does not transform acute
problems and into chronic ones. The VA itself has doubtless learned some
of those lessons from its treatment of Vietnam veterans.
4. practical treatment focus: Group or individual treatment should be
focused on solving practical problems and rehabilitation and putting
traumatic experiences in perspective. It should not entail repeated
telling of terrifying or demoralizing stories and encourage the client
to assume the identity of the psychologically crippled veteran.
Inpatient treatment should be reserved for those who cannot function.
Specialized inpatient PTSD units have been problematic; they seemed to
facilitate regression rather than readjustment.
5. beware of the disability trap: Also, therapists should not be
predicting mental disability or pushing veterans quickly toward
obtaining service connected disability payments. Not surprising,
disability payments provide an economic incentive to maintain
dysfunction. A veteran deemed to be fully disabled by post-traumatic
stress disorder can collect $2,000 to $3,000 a month, tax free. If work
is often the best therapy (it structures one’s life, gives a sense of
purpose and productivity, provides important social opportunities and a
healthy way to get one’s mind to stop ruminating about problems), then
ongoing disability payments can be the route to further disability and
isolation.
Once a patient gets permanent disability payment, motivation to ever
hold a job declines, the patient assumes – often incorrectly -- that he
can no longer work, and the longer he is unemployed, the more his
confidence in his ability for future work erodes and his skills atrophy.
He is trapped into remaining “disabled” by the fact that he was once
very ill but by no means eternally dysfunctional. (If disability
benefits are unequivocally indicated, lump sum payments with or without
a financial guardian might make better sense than monthly installments.)
6. enlightened skepticism is in order: Some veterans who did enter the
VA medical/disability system, as Paul McHugh M.D., former chairman of
psychiatry at Johns Hopkins University, observed, settled easily into
the status of PTSD vet. The diagnosis “conferred a status preferable to
such alternatives as personality disorder, alcoholism, or adjustment
disorder.” Veterans would have been better served by a skeptical stance
on the part of their therapists. Loren Pankratz, a psychologist retired
from a Veterans Administration Medical Center in Oregon, has written
extensively about patients who distort their history and make false
attributions about the cause of their symptoms. During his 25 years as a
VA psychologist, Pankratz regularly dug into the military records of
World War II and Vietnam veterans who told him about especially daring
or improbable exploits. Pankratz was not interested in exposing or
embarrassing these men, and because he was usually able to redirect them
into proper treatment, he had no need to tell them he knew their stories
were dramatically embellished. Gradually, Pankratz realized that many
failed to improve because they were being treated for the wrong problem.
Checking records helped guide Pankratz to more appropriate therapy.
7. don’t suggest pathological interpretations to fragile people: People
who are feeling fragile can be very susceptible to suggestion. From the
World War I on, psychiatrists have warned about the power of morbid
expectations on soldiers and advocated that clinicians raise
expectations of recovery, not disability, in those with acute
psychological problems. We know, for example, that debriefing after a
crisis – counselor-led groups in which victims are urged to rehash the
vivid and terrifying aspects of an event – can actually impede the
resolution of stress symptoms. Many times acute symptoms will be a
normal and temporary, and yes, very painful, part of the readjustment
phenomenon. Predicting that vast numbers of Iraq vets have a future of
dysfunction ahead of them, is demoralizing and risks fulfilling the
prophesy.
Some soldiers will return from Iraq and Afghanistan with severe
psychological problems, and we must do everything in our power to help
them. The vast majority, however, will be able to adjust --and imposing
on them the questionable legacy of Vietnam will not do them any service.
As the British psychiatrist Simon Wessely has put it: “Generals are
justly criticized for fighting the last war, not the present one.
Psychiatrists should be aware of the same mistake.”
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